Monday, 3 December 2018

The story a shawl tells



What’s in an outfit?

Skirts, shirts, tops, trousers’, coats, scarves and many more; every article of clothing has a name, or multiple names, different countries may call the same article of clothing by different names. Then there’s the eternal debate of British vs. American English, sweater vs. jumper.


Coming from a mixed tribe family, Namely Angami and Chakhesang, the sweater vs. jumper debate has often made its way into my vocabulary. Some may argue, that both tribes coming from the same Tenyimia conundrum; share many cultural and linguistic similarities. And they are absolutely right, both the chakhesangs and Angamis do originate from the same branch, in fact the Chakhesangs were once known as the Eastern Angamis. 


The split came and that itself is a long long story. As a result of the split a new tribe, the chakhesang's came into being. The tribe itself was unique as it was a collaboration of three linguistic groups- chokri, Khezha and sangtam, hence the name chakhesang; cha for chokri. Khe for Khezha and sang for sangtam. It was also one of the first and only collaboration known to the state Nagaland.  The collaboration split again ,with the sangtam choosing to stand as an independent entity. But Even with the split the name chakhesang stuck, and no changes have been made till date.

So where does the sweater vs. jumper debate come into this truckload of information?  Many places surprisingly. Especially if you compare angami to the chokri of the chakhesang, the language sounds similar and to someone like me, who speaks both its almost identical save for a few words. Though friends who speak only angami claim that chokri sounds ineligible and vice versa. To put it simply angami is the British English to the American chokri, at least in my household. This is not to claim one is more superior to the other, both have very similar structure but vary in tone and articulation. The reason why I call angami British English is because of the formal education institution in India, which is largely based of British English and my own education at home, where we siblings primarily spoke angami among ourselves because our mother was angami.  Chokri on the other hand was like American English, always around, but we only used it casually to address our friends, and more formally to converse with our father.

So it became natural to mix the two in my household, sometimes I would start a sentence in angami and end it with chokri. Other times the exchange was more subtle and most times such instances went unnoticed. Our mistakes would usually come to light when we spoke with a pure angami or chokri speaker, or if the bi lingual person had an awareness of the difference between the two. But most times these two languages blended in pretty well, despite some differences.
I remember an incident about an aunt who spoke a little angami, and made up the rest with chokri. They say she was shopping at kohima bazaar,
                                           KOHIMA BAZAAR
 and she approached an angami vegetable vendor and spoke in perfect angami

“Chüvino ga hau kediki ga?”

“How much do these chüvino ga cost”

And before I proceed, forgive me because I don’t know the scientific name of the vegetable .and despite looking through multiple flora and fauna journals on Nagaland ,I never found the English name of the green, slippery and slightly bitter tasting vegetable. But going back to the incident I had to mention, because it was and is still the perfect example of things being lost in translation.

She asked for chüvino ga,

Chüvino literally translates to tasty leaves, if taken into context it means something like tender or soft.

Ga- means vegetable

Hau- this

Kediki ga- how much is it, or what does it cost.

So no problems there, the sentence following the name of the vegetable is also formal and very correct, and in chokri the vegetable is called tiveno ga- meaning tender leaves. But the correct way of saying the sentence in angami would be.

“Lievino ga hau kediki ga”

The words chüvino is replaced by lievino, which also means tender or soft leaves but from a different context, hence it cannot be called chüvino ga because that would mean something else.

As confusing as it sounds, this is me during a family meeting being corrected by elders and cousins.

Other times I throw words around for years, never knowing it’s not supposed to be spoken that way. Most end in a discreet rebuke by an aunt, in the corner of the kitchen .sometimes I’m not so lucky and it ends in public embarrassment. Who knows at this very moment someone might be narrating the story of the cousin who got the context of “cough “wrong creating a hilarious misunderstanding. The positive thing is my uncle always remembers me whenever someone says “cough” in angami.

So it’s pretty much the American vs. British English debacle in my perspective. and it doesn’t stop with language; sure the Americans and the British also have their own cultural politics going on, but I will stick to my own context, that is the naga chakhesang- chokri- angami context, and the context in which i was born and raised.

Unlike the garment sweater or jumper, which can mean something you pull over your head, something without buttons, or something whose meaning changes with context ; but at the end both words means a  garment . That is not exactly the case for the Naga traditional attire, each item carries a name and the designs vary according to tribe, and sometimes according to village. The angami and chakhesangs have similar color schemes because they come from the same Tenyimia range, but no two are exactly alike. Aside from the multiple garments, men and women have very different jewelry, and each carries meaning, there’s also a time and place to wear such jewelry













A simple line can become a marker of your tribe and your village. And it’s no joke to say a single line and color matters, because everything carriers meaning and a simple line may just carve out your place in society.

The story goes that my father, a newly married young man attended a church meeting at a small village. Throughout the service he felt the gaze of a middle aged woman on him, and when the service ended the lady approached him asking if he was someone from Khonoma. Turns out my father was wearing the shawl my aunt, his sister-in- law had gifted him; a shawl which marked its origins because of one single line on the border. And the eagle eyed lady later explained that only those from Khonoma or with relatives (wife is from Khonoma) from Khonoma would wear the shawl.

Incidents like these are not rare and every once in a while people would use shawls to start conversations, maybe discover you’re related or make lifelong friends. It is a marker of identity, that’s why the aunt in kohima knew the vendor was angami, because of the mekhala she wore or perhaps it was the orange beaded necklace ;or it might also be because kohima is predominately angami.

Today’s generation are sadly not so eagle eyed, even so mothers make sure daughters and sons stick to age appropriate wear. This point is very important, because it explained your stance in the society, your age and your achievements. If the wrong person wore the wrong shawl, it would be like me wearing Mary kom’s multiple gold medals around my neck, claiming them to be my achievement.

Seriousness aside, with the coming of Christianity and the end of head hunting, hosting a feast of merit to gain the honour of wearing a particular shawl no longer applies. Nowadays, honor and achievement is measure in different degrees and presenting of shawls also follows these new guidelines. The rules are more lax now and people tend to mix and match, there are even websites which sells the shawls of honour for the right price.

But things have not changed too much in the village; in my chakhesang village we still adhere to the right place and time to wear a shawl or jewelry. Sure one can break the rules and wear one the NSUD night in Delhi, and no one will say anything. Rumors may float but it tends to die down when people find new things to talk about.

But does it feel ethically wrong? Yes I does.

 Of course no one knows what the vague guidelines for achievements even mean, villages may interpret it differently, but one line sticks

“You have to earn the honour”

This sounds like moral policing and to a point it is, but if you are someone from the village like me, people are going to gossip when you step out with a thupikhü; especially if you are deemed unworthy or have not done enough to warrant the honor. and personally i would like the be formally presented a shawl by the elders, just because it saves the cost of buying your own shawl. 

Unlike the other traditional items the thüpikhü is one of its kind, though designs may vary it is considered the highest grade of honor in most chakhesang villages. Other tribes like the angami, sumi, lotha, Ao, etc. have their own shawls of honor but the thüpikhü is unique to the chakhesang.
 The story goes that a sister came up with this elaborate design in honor of her brother, when he first hosted a feast of merit. There is also a legend that the all embroidery must be done before sundown.


The shawl which symbolizes, prosperity and generosity was presented to a couple who had performed a feast of merit, though it was primarily designed for men; the female design came much later. And the shawl is very colorful, with each pattern standing for something.

The series of pictures will elaborate how much embroidery it requires.

                                            PATTERNS ON THE THUPIKHU

While elephants, mithuns and animal heads were used for men, the female motif included. Cowry shells, bathsü, Baskets and more.

 It is also as expensive as it is beautiful, especially because it is painfully hand woven and embroidered. Today cotton yarn is not hard to find but about sixty years back, most people had to pick cotton by hand and spin it into yarn and then dye it. This process took days and even months, the ceremonies attached to it didn’t make it easy either. There is a story to illustrate the value of cotton, something an aunt once told me in the passing.

The story is very similar to Romeo and Juliet, or jina and etiben.

 They say, a man of lower standing fell in love with the daughter of a rich warrior with many sons. The lovers wanted to marry but couldn’t because of their different financial standing. The man decided to earn and expand his cattle, so he may be worthy enough to ask for her hand in marriage. But it was taking time and taking a toll on his poor body; the girl wanted to help so when they went to collect vegetables in the forest, she slipped her armlets into his basket. When her brothers asked she said she lost it.

Many months later the man invited the girl and her brothers, to collect cotton in his forest garden. When they arrived he filled his loves basket to the brim, they say it was so heavy she found it hard to walk.
                                         BASKET( MEKHO)

 In the evening when she rolled out the content of her basket on the straw mat her armlets rolled out.

My aunt never told me how the story ended ,or if  the lovers even end up together. she had more important things to do;like interpreting the actions of the man. according to her, that the man wanted to ask for her hand in honesty; with no help from her family’s wealth.

 I looked more at the heavy basket, today if a couple worked in the same orchard or field, the man would ensure her basket was the lightest or even help her carry it. Well I’m referring to the more stereotypical romance situation, but that aside, should we call what the man did cruel?

“They say it was so heavy she found it hard to walk”.

Not really, his action, as my aunt puts it was very romantic. It was an act of love; because cotton was very difficult to harvest at the time. To collect enough cotton for one shawl was a mammoth task, so the man wanted to make sure she had more than enough. 

Though I never found out what happened in the end, I got to watch what happened to the cotton. 

During my trip to the village I was lucky enough to watch my aunt prepare a shawl. Though I didn’t get to witness the first stages of its production, I was lucky enough to witness her neighbor roll out the wool and arrange patterns, allowing my aunt to take on the last steps of weaving and embroidery.
CHAKHESANG WOMAN WEAVING 
( ps. not my aunt, had a video of her weaving but could upload it due to the size and format)

The whole process is back breaking and my aunt saved time by using ready-made wool, but in the chakhesang region where my father is from, people still dye their wool by hand and they use a very unique ingredient, the nettle.( both plant and tree is used)

The process is long and laborious and requires certain ceremonies.

It starts with the nettle harvesting; the nettle is boiled to separate it from the thin layer of bark. The raw material is cooked for no less than a day.


In the next step the yarn is removed from the pot and beaten with a wooden block to soften the yarn. The yarn is then rinsed thoroughly and soaked in hot water for another three to four hours. It is further rinsed with clean rice flour broth in a betükhu (wooden basin). The rice flower also acts as a dyeing agent, turning the yarn whitish. Sorting is done following the rinsing of the yarn and the flour bits that fall from it are eaten by young girls.  After this step the yarn is coiled into a ball and is ready for meandering, which is used with the shuttle for weaving.

Because it was considered taboo for the thebvo to be bitten by tooth, so it was separated from the drinking water at home and even eating before its preparation, was a ceremony in itself.  It was also considered taboo for young boys to consume the bake cakes from the rice flour which had been used for dyeing the yarn. And it was customary to offer rice beer after the boiling of the thebvo (nettle). 

With all the taboos and tradition in place it was mostly customary for the yarn to be prepared in the forest under flowing water.Because of this practice I always missed the preparation part, and yes times have changed but most times people stick to the forest because of the abundance of freshwater.

So throughout the text I mentioned being from the village, so as a person from the village did I ever learn how to weave? The answer is yes and no, yes because I had a weaving stint and no because I never managed to complete a shawl. All I have to show for is the weaving materials and the pinkish muffler, collaboration between a neighbor and me, an item I see in pictures but can never seem to find.

Today if someone in the big towns wanted a shawl they could got the nearest handloom store and buy a ready-made, machine made shawl this was cheaper and faster, but in villages it’s a little more personal. If my family wanted a shawl we would go to the store buy the shade of cotton yarn we wanted, meet the artisan, make mild length adjustments if needed but we mostly stick to the standard size. After that its communication, my mother usually visits the artisan twice a month to check the progress and this exchange goes on till the shawl is done and the payments is complete.

That is not to say people in big towns only buy machine made goods, most people in big town place order through relatives or when they visit the village. But making friends with a good artisan definitely pays off, regularly checking and communicating makes it more personal. At the end if one says that the shawls looks the same, you can say ‘yes they do’; but there is a story behind my shawl.

 And that is the story I hope to tell when I earn the rights to wear a thüpikhü, a shawl which has long captured my imagination ever since witnessing the colorful ensemble cover my grandfather’s body nineteen years back. The shawl is not yet a part of my possession and perhaps it never will be, but if does fall on my shoulders I’m sure the shawl will be a maker of my achievements, the shawl of stories, the history of my life. On the day I die the shawl will be buried with me, just like it did with my grandfather and many others, the thüpikhü’s journey will end with one generation, till the next earns the right to wear it. Until then I’ll stick to the lovely shawls my mother approves for me.

Sequence, Stages and Sex: On Desire As Enacted Through Cinematic Item- Numbers

On September 26th 2018, in an interview with Zoom TV, Tanushree Dutta, an actor accused her co-star Nana Patekar of misbehaving with her on the sets of a ‘special song’ for the 2008 release Horn Ok Please. She alleged that despite the song being a solo sequence, Patekar had insisted on her joining her in the shoot. Apart from which he grabbed her arms, asked the choreographer to move aside and taught her how to dance. He even persisted on doing an ‘intimate sequence’ with her, although her contract clearly stated it was a “solo” dance sequence. She added that Patekar’s behaviour made her uncomfortable to an extent that she eventually had to drop out of the song, and is still dealing with the trauma that the experience caused her.

In his defence, Patekar vehemently denied the allegations, “Tanushree is my daughter’s age and I have no clue what made her say such things about me. I have been a part of the film industry for nearly 35 years and haven’t heard anyone saying such things about me.” Things took a turn for the unexpected when Rakhi Sawant, the actor who replaced Tanushree Dutta in the song -- Nathani Utaro -- came out with a statement claiming that Tanushree is a ‘drug addict’, ‘a lesbian’, a ‘man who dresses as a woman’ and that she had been raped by Tanushree at a rave party. A few legal notices, and criminal defamation charges later, Rakhi Sawant issued a public apology and retracted her statement.

When this whole controversy broke out, it reminded me of how Bollywood like the rest of the nation is a casteist, classist and sexist workplace, only with sequins, satin and good music. For all the disbelievers, the evidence was there clearly to see. A video from 2008 of nearly forty men affiliated with Raj Thackery led Maharashtra Navnirman Sangh were seen attempting to physically harm Tanushree who had just left the sets of Horn Ok Please complaining of sexual misconduct. Dutta says that back then, “Nana Patekar called up this political party who has a reputation of vandalism and causing damages on the sets. And the producers called up the media to gain publicity from the whole situation. On one side we had the media and on the other side, we had the political party workers. They vandalised my car completely. So, I got off my vanity van and headed towards our vehicle… If the police had come even 5 minutes late, I shudder to think what could’ve happened to me or my parents who were accompanying me in the car,” she said. Additionally, the Association of Motion Picture and TV Programme Producers (AMPTPP), demanded Dutta pay Rs 65 million rupees to compensation to the producer of Horn ‘OK’ Pleassss for defaming him

This story is so familiar in its contours and so credible that you would have to be delusional to disbelieve it. The public debate that followed was dominant caste women arguing about which man is allowed to grope them in the item numbers. Would the liberal feminist framework of consent or choice be applicable to this incident too? Item numbers are defined in an essence by the presence of an item. Traditionally, it would be an upcoming actor looking to shoot to fame with a hit-song and a few catchy moves to accompany the song. The construction of the figure of the item is entrenched in objectification and fetishisation of the woman’s body as being available for consumption. Its almost as if the woman is a dish being displayed in the menu cards peddled by urban eateries that consumers salivate or drool over. Often these songs have nothing to do with the plot and are added for ‘masala’; titillation. The lyrics of these songs often have ‘double meaning’; are filled with sexual innuendos, and the songs are deployed to attract a largely male audience to the theatres.

During the 60s and 70s, these songs were seen as a speciality such as the songs performed by Helen, but increasingly it appears that every commercially viable film must include an item song. Chronologically speaking the term item number gained currency among the urban middle classes in the late 1990s. The item number allegorizes or frames heterosexual erotic desire in a film. But often it is enacted at off-screen social venues and events ranging from urban dance bars and wedding celebrations to live concerts and dance schools. The title of the item girl was first associated with Malaika Arora. The early usage of the term item number is associated with Malaika Arora and Shah Rukh Khan’s performance in Chaiya Chaiya. Despite the fact that this, is not a new phenomenon considering the presence of Helen or other cabaret artistes/dances such as Mona Darling, none of them are able to capture the affective space that has been created by the new item girls. Former cabaret dancers or artists were traditionally typecast in their roles; they could not leap to the status of a leading actress. In 2009, Helen was awarded a Padma Bhushan showing the distance that has been travelled in recognising Helen as an outstanding actor. Now, item numbers are thought of as a performance that may be marked by the presence of an item girl who may have debuted in that fashion (Manisha Koirala, Malaika Arora Khan), in a cameo or guest appearance by a lead actor (Aishwarya Rai or Sushmita Sen) or by top-billed actors (Shah Rukh Khan).  

These performances in visual media outside of cinema may be viewed as back-stage performances relative to the front-stage enactments in the film. According to Rita Brara, ‘depending upon where you train your lens, the performances of item-actors are screened and revealed from different angles ranging from the valuable and professional to the mercenary and abject.’ She terms the item numbers as the phenomenon of the spectacular ‘cinesexual.’ Though it’s important to keep in mind that apart from onscreen media, item numbers are performed at travelling shows in cities, small towns and rural fairs. They are also often reproduced at the sites that are shown as their typical locales in films -- dance bars. But unlike item-actors, female bar dancers perform Bollywood’s item numbers live before a male audience without the cushioning that the status of a cine-actor affords them. The discussion of these item performances pushes us to consider gender as an independent axis as bar dancers try to see beyond the assumed debasement of their bodies. But on the other hand, a drive for entrepreneurship within a sexualised economy drives bar owners and underprivileged women to look for economic stability from bar dancing. The rendition of the item number is part of the bar dancer’s professional life but in contrast with the item girls onscreen, within an environment of masculine pleasure seeking and drinking, she becomes an object of the male gaze, and her body is available on the visual display as well as for tactile entertainment.

Drawing from the culture of the traditional mujra, the women bar dancers often inhabit the sexualised, public spaces that cater to masculine desires. Yet when they protested in 2005 against the Maharashtra Stae Governement’s ban on bar dancing, their social visibility was heightened. When dancing in bars was banned on the grounds of obscenity and immorality, one of Maharashtra's elected representatives claimed, “Everything should be banned except for Bharatanatyam and Kathak.”  Feminist lawyers while arguing against the proposed ban stated that if dancing in bars was considered immoral then so should item numbers in Bollywood films. Dancing is considered a fundamental right to livelihood and the Bombay High Court quashed the Maharashtra government's order. Following this, anti-trafficking activists mobilised in support of the ban claiming that most women involved in bar dancing were trafficked at a very young age and often unable to escape the cycle of exploitation and poverty. Eventually, Mumbai’s bar dancers sought to promote their interests within the industry and organised to form a Bar Dancer’s Union. They protested the ban and questioned the grounds on which their livelihood was put under scrutiny and marked as ‘immoral’ while dancing in elite bars went unquestioned.

A reinterpretation of the cinematic item number also occurs within the carnivalesque and spectacular dimensions of celebrations of heterosexual monogamy; marriages and sangeet functions. Within heteronormative family milieus, a distinct space is provided to sexualised songs and dances. Here the item number becomes recontextualised to become celebratory themes of female heterosexual desire. A common sight in urban middle-class Indian weddings is to see women of all ages performing such numbers. A few years ago, I remember attending a wedding in Bangalore, where after performing Kajra Re, a twelve-year-old told me that she had practised the heaving motion of the chest, which is Aishwarya Rai’s signature move in the song, for at least three weeks with the help of a DVD and a mirror. This becomes a space provided for girls and women to enact female heterosexual desire within the limits of the family. In some ways, the erotic powers of dance and song are harnessed for extraordinary events in a heteronormative familial setting that distinguish these moments as heterosexual rites of passage.

Such an analysis of cinematic item numbers invites to readers to differentiate and understand a wider arena of heterosexuality and attractiveness along with the more reductionist focus on heteroconjugality as portrayed in Bollywood films and social life. The personal histories of item girls such as Rakhi Sawant or Malaika Arora take a backseat to ordinary spectators or enactors. Although these desires are focused with a masculinist and patriarchal systems, it is important to acknowledge that item numbers provide women too with opportunities for entertainment, profit and act a means to secure livelihood as in the case of Mumbai’s bar dancers.



Sunday, 2 December 2018

Meri Khoobsurti ka Raaz: Women and Indian Beauty Advertisements



What’s age got to do with it?

Mira Rajput’s first television advertisement can easily top the list of celebrity endorsements gone wrong. Earlier this year, she came under the scanner and was trolled on social media for promoting an anti-aging cream. But a lot of female celebrities including Madhuri Dixit and Genelia D’Souza have endorsed the brand, so what went wrong? (Apart from the fact that the features on their faces look like CGI in those ads).

Mira Rajput is all of 23 years old.

The ad displays her looking sad in front of a mirror, lamenting the pregnancy glow that vanished after delivery. But after taking the “28-day skin transformation challenge”, a happier Mira Rajput says, “My skin felt young and radiant, it was like being born again.”


Source: Storypick

Then I came across an article on the Quint titled, ‘Chill, Mira Rajput Is Not Endorsing an Anti-Ageing Cream’ which stated that it is only a face cream. Perplexed, I watched the ad again, and realised where the gap lied.

This was a case of an anti-aging cream disguised and rebadged as pro-skin. The vocabulary of “glow”, “transformation” and being “reborn” used in the ad, now dominates the skin-care industry at large, unlike in older advertisements where it was directly referred as “anti-aging” and “signs of aging”. It does the job of sounding pleasantly body-positive while the apparatus of continuing to age-shame women remains intact, like old wine in a new bottle. Or rather a wolf in sheep’s clothing.

While it is understandable that the fear of mortality might scare the wits out of some people, but the never-ending obsession of removing all signs of having seen too much life still looms large, not only on women, but most directly at them.

Age-shaming is doubly problematic as it not only locates a woman’s worth entirely in her appearance, but also rejects the value of experience in them. This essentially means that one is denying their wisdom rather than flaunting it. The irony in this situation being, Rajput ending the advertisement with a feel-good dialogue of- “Being a mom doesn’t mean you stop being yourself, right?” as the bold white text “#REBORN” flashes on the screen.

Whether it is L’Oreal’s tagline “Because you’re worth it” or Dove’s “#LetsBreakTheRulesOfBeauty”, This feel-good terminology extends to a lot of skin-care branding in India today.


Twacha se Meri Umr ka Pata hi Nahi Chalta

Apart from the new plethora of day and night skin creams and moisturisers, the long-standing Wipro’s Santoor Stay Young soap has also been a part of the age game.

As per August 2018 Economic Times report, Santoor has overtaken Lux as India’s No. 2 soap brand. Wipro Consumer Care CEO Anil Chugh said: “Santoor is now the No. 2 brand all-India in terms of volume, securing a clear lead over the brand behind us. We have achieved this through distribution reach, the consistent advertising proposition of younger looking skin, and new variants, which appealed to our target segment.”He adds that Santoor has always been the leading brand across urban and rural markets in South and West India.
Having grown up watching its advertisements in the 90s, 2000s, and 2010s, there is a steady progression in how it depicts the woman. From just being doll-like in weddings and admired by old ladies, the Santoor woman now plays basketball, is a rockstar, artist, and also Saif Ali Khan’s dance trainer. But the basic premise of the advertisement, a little girl comes up to the youthful main lead shouting “Mummy!” while all the other characters echo “Mummy!?” acting all pleasantly surprised, remains the same, as same as the orange clothes the Santoor lady sports in all ads to match the brand colour. Divided by professions, united by a single aspiration to youthfulness it seems.
Time marches on, but removing all signs of aging on a woman’s face is not ready to stop anytime soon. Whatever happened to aging gracefully?

How did this belief in the cosmetic industry start in Modern-day India, where so many people still buy into the companies’ promises? In the book ‘Nawabs, Nudes, and Noodles’, Ambi Parameswaran who’s an industry insider since forty years, locates it as follows:-

“The opening up of the economy in the ‘90s saw the entry of global beauty brands that set out to redefine beauty. Sensing the opportunity, Pradeep Guha, then Director at Times Group decided to play up the Femina Miss India contest into a national celebration of beauty – and brains, if I may add. Not only participants carefully selected from across the country with several regional rounds, Times also invested heavily in training them to make an impact on the global stage. Pradeep hit pay dirt in 1994 when two of his proteges, Sushmita Sen and Aishwarya Rai, won the two most prestigious beauty crowns, Miss Universe and Miss World. The double whammy did for the beauty pageant industry what Kapil Dev’s World Cup victory did for one-day cricket. Young girls wanted to win beauty contests, beauty parlours started sprouting up across small town India and in came a slew of global cosmetic brands.” (Parameswaran, 2016)

Show me your true colours

Continuing with another reference from the same book, the discussion on Indian beauty advertisements would be incomplete without referencing the fairness industry, when skin lightening products occupy 61% of dermatological market in India (Jose and Ray, 2018)

“I was at a panel discussion in Mumbai in April 2015 where several panellists were discussing the role of a woman in Bollywood. Actress and producer Nandita Das was at her vocal best explaining how dark skin was a big taboo in mainstream Bollywood movies even in the 2010s and she pointed out how actresses turn fair as their career progresses.”(Parameswaran, 2016)

The first actress that comes to my mind is Kajol. She was darker than most other leading actresses in the 90s and had a unibrow. But none of that stopped her from becoming one of the most successful Hindi film actresses of all times.But before-and-after photos show a drastic change in her skin tone, speculating a number of media reports on possible fairness bleaching treatments. Her response was that of a vehement denial.“For 10 years of my life, I was working all the time under the sun, which is why I got tanned. And now I am not working in the sun anymore. So I’ve got untanned. It’s not a skin whitening surgery, it’s a stay at home surgery,” she told entertainment website Pinkvilla.“I’ve already gotten that (success and stardom). Why would I lighten my skin now?”

Source: Pinterest

Being the brand ambassador of Olay, she appeared in the advertisement of Olay Total Effects. In the advertisement, her dialogue reads that upon using the product, “itne saalo aur life mein itne changes ke baad bhi, meri skin dikhti hai young aur nikhri.

The catch here is the word “nikhri”:-

“While fairness creams advertising was once restricted by Doordarshan into describing gori as nikhri – the dictionary meaning of nikhri is improved or better, but Hindustan Unilever has been using it so consistently to promote its fairness cream that today nikhri almost means fairer to the lay public…” (Parameswaran, 2016)

Kajol is 41 and looks half her age,” a film critic wrote in Huffington Post, ”aside from having given fairness cream companies further reason to exist.

In the book ‘The Global Beauty Industry: Colorism, Racism, and the National Body’, Meeta Jha points to the local national history of the fair-skin status:-

“Many transnational feminist scholars (Runkle, 2004; Paramweswaran 2005; Osuri, 2008) have argued that 
Bollywood cinema, television, celebrities, beauty queens, and advertisements have converged in reinforcingBritish colonial hangovers of an Indian idealization of lighter-skin complexion referred to as fair-skin status.In the Indian context, as in many national contexts, skin colour discrimination has a local history. Specifically in India, it is based on class and caste stratification … Skin-colour discrimination in the Indian subcontinent predates the arrival of British colonialism and imperialism and has origins in the Hindu religious caste system… Lighter skin in India is associated with education, upper-class status and success, thus conflating 
progress with whiteness, modernity, and westernization.” (Jha, 2015)

In 2014, the fairness obsession reached new heights when Clean and Dry intimate wash was released, priced at Rs. 100. The voice-over in the advertisement states“gupt ang ki twacha ko rakhe clean, surakshit, aur rangat nikhare.”The advertisement features a young Indian couple inside their home. The woman seems perturbed at her husband’s seeming disconnectedess as he reads the paper. The unsatisfied woman then hits the shower with her Clean and Dry product to please her man. After using the product, she jumps around frolicking with her husband on the furniture with renewed lust. Divorce averted?

Similarly, vaginal tightening creams and breast enhancement capsules etc. all are part of making women younger, bouncier, and virginial.

Source: Facebook



Source: Facebook

With the incoming of products like these in the Indian market, it has boiled down to eliminate darkness from every nook and cranny of a woman’s body. The vagina is naturally darker than the rest of the body and also cleans itself, but such companies easily cash in on the pressure and anxieties of women. Noted Bollywood director Shekhar Kapoor also said, “Cosmetic companies are trying to turn India into a nation of Albinos. No dark area on any part of the body. Except may be our hearts. Got a cream for that?"

Source: DoodleODrama

The Clean and Dry ad director, Alyque Padamsee, thinks the media backlash is an overreaction. He wrote: “It is hard to deny that fairness creams often get social commentators and activists all worked up. What they should do is take a deep breath and think again. Lipstick is used to make your lips redder, fairness cream is used to make you fairer — so what’s the problem? … The only reason I can offer for why people like fairness, is this: if you have two beautiful girls, one of them fair and the other dark, you see the fair girl’s features more clearly. This is because her complexion reflects more light.



Midas Care, the Creators of Clean and Dry were also reached out to by media outlets for a response:-

"Clean and Dry is a direct result of conversations with women between the ages of 16 to 35 years, across the country. The task was to identify the problems faced by women in their vaginal area in their daily life. Unfortunately, not many of them knew whom to talk to about such a personal problem. They did not even take the problem to their gynecologist, choosing instead to suffer silently. Clean and Dry is among the first few brands to address these problems of daily hygiene, odour and pH imbalance...The ad in no way is meant to offend anyone. The fairness bit is nothing but one of the many offerings of the product.”(Qtd. in Vice)

When I read this, the only thing that didn’t add up for me was that this particular group of women aged 16 to 35 told these marketing consultant teams about their most intimate genital-related problems, one which they hid from their medical professionals? They must be really persuasive and empowering, I guess.


The Cost of Being a Woman

A commercial for Veet hair removal cream came out in April 2018. There were two identical commercials, one starring Shraddha Kapoor for the Indian audience, and the other cast Mahira Khan for Pakistani audiences. Both fair-skinned young women, in pink body hugging dresses to match the brand colour, stride across the basketball court wearing heels.

She dribbles the ball and shoots a basket without breaking so much as of a sweat, as the other players look in awe. A player’s arm brushes against hers, as the former exclaims “So smooth!”
“Not just smooth, but perfect!” comes her response and they both high-five.

Apart from the impractical garb that the leading ladies put on for a basketball game, the advertisement also portrays an unrealistic as well as unnecessary beauty standard. The pressure of smooth arms, fairer skin, and thinner legs should be the last thing sportswomen should have on their minds. When Sana Mir, a cricketer and the former captain of the Pakistani women's cricket team, came across the commercial, she raised these very questions.

In a scathing post on Facebook, the sportsperson wrote addressing "To all young girls out there who aspire to take up sports.”-

“One of the ad campaigns that has finally pushed me to come forward with my concern is the latest campaign by a company promoting a hair removal cream.… Are the talent, passion and skill of a girl not enough for her to play sports?
There are female sports icons around the world who have made their way to the top because of their skill, talent and hard work, not because of the colour or texture of their skin.
Make no mistake: you need strong arms, not smooth arms, on a sports field.
During my 12 years as a sportswoman in Pakistan, I have rejected several offers to endorse beauty products just for this reason: I want young girls with a passion for sports to know that all they need for a practice session are the will to succeed, comfortable shoes and clothes, a water bottle and a cap if it’s hot…”


Source: Sana Mir official Facebook account

Also, believe it or not, hair removal also has to do with the conversation of aging.

Our society wants to live in a peculiar infantile fantasy where women’s hair only grows on their head and eyebrows, and everything else is supposed to look pre-pubescent. It is in fact equivalent to de-sexualising older women to fit into the mould of a younger girl by using the tool of shame to undergo various hair removal procedures.

“Take pubic hair which over the past two decades has likely been discussed more than at any known time in history... Most of the debates stem from an incontrovertible fact: female pubic hair, once considered a desirable marker of adolescence... is now a disappearing phenomenon. Its extinction has been driven variously by the easy availability of porn, the mainstreaming of lingerie marketing, and a 24/7 culture of celebrity surveillance. Though waxing defenders are quick to remind us that pubic hair removal has enjoyed popularity throughout history as far back as the ancient Egyptians and Greeks, the contemporary world has seen an unmistakable uptick in both the practice and available services...” (Zeisler, 2016)

As per a 2017 study done by The Quint, the hair removal industry in India was estimated to be a 21 billion rupees as of 2016, with the sale of depilatories alone reaching 15.1 billion rupees.  And the money to this multi-crore market of femininity is going from your very own pocket. How? Consider an urban middle class woman visiting a mid to high range parlour. It can charge upto Rs. 1,500 for chocolate wax of arms and legs. If we compare this to how much men spend per month on their grooming. A shaving and trimming session can cost around Rs. 150.

Meanwhile, somewhere in a farm in Punjab, it takes only Rs. 500 to mow an entire field.


Textual References (that are not linked above):-
·         Parameswaran, Ambi. Nawabs, Nudes, and Noodles: India through 50 Years of Advertising. Pan Macmillan. 2016
·         Jha, Meeta R. The Global Beauty Industry: Colorism, Racism, and the National Body. , 2016.
·         Jose and Ray. ‘Toxic content of certain commercially available fairness creams in Indian market’. Cogent Medicine, Vol.5, 2018.
·         Zeisler, Andi. We Were Feminists Once: From Riot Grrrl to CoverGirl®, the Buying and Selling of a Political Movement. Hachette UK. 2016